1. Liberation Policy of People with Disabilities, 2nd draft 1981

    1. All human beings have an equal right to live, to eat adequately, to housing, to clean water, to a basic standard of health and hygiene, to privacy, to education, to work, to marry (or not), have children (or not), to determine their own sexuality, to state an opinion, to participate in decisions which affect their lives, to share fully in the social life of their community and to contribute to the well-being of others to the full extent of their capabilities.

    2. At the present time only a few, a privileged section of the world’s population, enjoy all these rights, whilst the majority of people are divided into groups which are comparatively underprivileged. The basis of the division is economic. Most of these groups are sub-divided (e.g. women into black, brown, white, yellow, young, old, married, single, Jewish, gay,working-class) until each group experiences itself as a powerless minority.

    3. Whilst the basis of the division is economic, the power to sustain the situation is primarily of a psychological nature. Information is given by way of stereotyping, incorrect or biased histories, demonstrations of violence against minority groups (e.g. the Holocaust) and numerous other ways that persuade the members of both the privileged and under-privileged that they deserve their position in society. It is the personal belief in that idea that allows each person and each group to accept their condition.

    4. People with disabilities are one such group, but have two special features;-
    (a) It is a group whose members embrace every other group.
    (b) The cause of the special title, unlike most other classifications(e.g. black) is often an additional drain on the resources of the individual, i.e. it is not inherently distressing to be black, whilst it may be to suffer from painful arthritis.

    5. Taking our special features into account, a draft policy for liberation should include the following:

    * To reach out and make contact with our members in ever societal group.

    * To learn to recognise the affects of society’s conditioning on people with disabilities, and to create ways in which people’s awareness can be heightened to a point where their self-image changes from a negative to a positive one, from weak to strong.

    * To recognise that the division of people with disabilities on the grounds of different disabilities (paralysed, deaf, people with visual handicaps, epileptic etc. ) has been divisive, and one of the major factors in our slowness to join together to change our common difficulties.

    * To learn about each other’s disabilities in order to be informed and able to support each other over genuine difficulties.

    * To seek to abolish all forms of segregation particularly in educational settings and residential institutions.

    * To seek allies amongst able-bodied people (i.e. people who will help us to fight for ourselves - not on our behalf).

    * To seek complete self-determination and control over our representation in the media (TV, books, films, adverts, etc.) and to have control over information put out about us.

    * To seek to unite organisations and institutions representing people with disabilities to fight for a common policy of liberation. (This does not mean detracting organisations from their original aims e.g. medical research, if these aims are complementary to the movement).

    * To work out a just economic policy taking into account that with industrialised countries in particular, a disability can require extra income to allow the person to reach the same standard of living as able-bodied people, whilst at the same time the competitive nature of earning money can exclude people with a certain degree of disability from making an equal contribution to work.

    * To inform as many people with disabilities as possible of their rights,in particular those included in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights for Disabled Persons.

    * To encourage people with disabilities to organise themselves into active groups which will discuss the implications of achieving their rights at international, national, and local levels, and will seek to change or influence conditions around them accordingly.

    * To make allies of, and be allies to all other oppressed groups.

     
  2. 01:34 29th Sep 2012

    Notes: 1

    Tags: oppression

    With bourgeois hegemony comes scientific justification for moderation and middle class ideology.
    — 

    Lennard J. Davis, Enforcing Normalcy: Disability, Deafness, and the Body

    Can I get that on a t-shirt?

     
  3. Industrialization re-created the category of work, and in so doing re-created the category of worker. The very idea of citizenship came to be ideologically associated with this kind of work, and various kinds of inclusions and exclusions in the category of nation were associated with work and work-related issues. Thus we see women initially bracketed out of the workforce and into the domestic sphere in middle-class life, while proletarian families were redistributed into the factory orbit. In effect, the imperatives of industrialism and capitalism redefined the body. ‘Able-bodied workers’ were those who could operate machines, and the human body came to be seen as an extension of the factory machinery. Ironically, the reciprocity between human and machine led to a conception of the mechanical perfection of the human body. The eighteenth-century notion that the human body was a divinely crafted machine led to a much more industrial interpretation of that insight so that the factory worker became a mere cog in the machinery. Likewise, the increasing mechanization of the body led to an increase of destructive acts against the body in the form of factory mutilations. The machine, like a latter-day Moloch, demanded human bodies and transformed them into disabled instruments of the factory process.
    — Lennard Davis, Enforcing Normalcy: Disability, Deafness, and the Body
     
  4. Dawkins dislikes what has flowed from Abraham for some excellent reasons; but he also finds it repugnant for much the same reasons that one can imagine him harboring stoutly Anglo-Saxon objections to Lacan, Situationism, agitprop, Trotsky, Dadaism, the unconscious, Julia Kristeva, Irish republicanism, and allowing one’s children to run naked around the garden smoking dope. All of these, one suspects, would be as distasteful to his brisk, bloodless rationality as the Virgin Birth.
    — Terry Eagleton, Reason, Faith, and Revolution: Reflections on the God Debate
     
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    An almanac of the revolution? Was this an early form of the Slingshot Organizer?

    An almanac of the revolution? Was this an early form of the Slingshot Organizer?

     
  8. 08:44 30th Aug 2012

    Notes: 2

    So, like, I guess I’m back in Grad School

    And soon I’ll be living in Queens. Spiderman lives in Queens too. I hope I’ll meet him someday.

    Now that I’m a real-life New Yorker I suppose that I need to start taking lots of pictures documenting the fact that I go out to eat and go to concerts sometimes. Also I’ll start filling your dashboard with depressing quotes about body, identity, and disability.

     
  9. Quotation is reproduction rather than repetition, an erasure of genesis that restores authentic meaning; if it has the imaginary force of similarity it also jars with the isolating shock of the symbolic, the brute expressionless force of the Traurspiel death’s head or emblematic slogan. It is also a handy way of carrying writing around with you, a miniaturizing aid to remembrance, for as with political history what is most memorable is what is skewed out of context.
    — 

    Terry Eagleton, Walter Benjamin, or, Towards a Revolutionary Criticism

    Hipster name-dropping as a political project?

     
  10. John Darnielle covering Billy Bragg’s “Power in a Union.”

     
  11. 11:46

    Notes: 278

    Reblogged from nodamncatnodamncradle

    image: Download

    nodamncatnodamncradle:

coolchicksfromhistory:

Demonstration of protest and mourning for Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York City, April 1911.
Today is the 101st anniversary of the fire.  

146 women died that day mostly due to the incredibly unsafe conditions that resulted in them being literally locked inside the building while it burned them to death while the managers did pretty much nothing to help. 

A few years later, the post-Triangle radicalization of the ILGWU would give us one of the most outstanding American anarcha-feminists of the 20th century, Rose Persotta.

    nodamncatnodamncradle:

    coolchicksfromhistory:

    Demonstration of protest and mourning for Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York City, April 1911.

    Today is the 101st anniversary of the fire.  

    146 women died that day mostly due to the incredibly unsafe conditions that resulted in them being literally locked inside the building while it burned them to death while the managers did pretty much nothing to help. 

    A few years later, the post-Triangle radicalization of the ILGWU would give us one of the most outstanding American anarcha-feminists of the 20th century, Rose Persotta.

     
  12. This ancient appreciation for human sexual diversity, along with the value derived from God’s presence in all, must significantly inform our response to gays. Just as heterosexual persons are not called upon to justify their identities, gays should not be burdened with the obligation to explain or defend their own.

    Justice, understood as equality of opportunity and treatment, is a consequence of the equal presence of God in all. This teaching is also the source of cardinal values such as noninjury, compassion and generosity. Knowledge of God’s presence in all requires reverence and consideration for all beings. Hindus are called upon to identify with others in joy and sorrow, sharing their happiness and suffering.

    In the case of homosexuals, it requires that we know something of the pain that comes from being demonized, ostracized and persecuted on account of their sexual identity. Homophobia, characterized as it is by fear, hate and denigration of homosexuals, finds no justification in Hinduism and betrays its most cherished vision and values.

    The Hindu understanding of human worth and the diversity of sexual identity have direct implications for our voting choices on the proposed amendment of the Minnesota Constitution. Same-sex relationships should be recognized by the state and afforded the legal benefits and privileges granted to heterosexuals.

    The public good, as understood in the Hindu tradition, is best served by our support for committed relationships that embody the values of love, loyalty, trust, care, friendship and justice. Such values are not exclusive to heterosexuals. There is no good religious argument in the Hindu tradition for supporting this amendment to the Minnesota Constitution.

    Whenever people stress the religious sanctity of marriage, I sometimes respond with “so you’re cool with same sex marriage, as long as the couple belongs to a religion that sanctifies it?”

    The answer is always no.

     
  13. IN the Morocco of the 1980s, where homosexuality did not, of course, exist, I was an effeminate little boy, a boy to be sacrificed, a humiliated body who bore upon himself every hypocrisy, everything left unsaid. By the time I was 10, though no one spoke of it, I knew what happened to boys like me in our impoverished society; they were designated victims, to be used, with everyone’s blessing, as easy sexual objects by frustrated men. And I knew that no one would save me — not even my parents, who surely loved me. For them too, I was shame, filth. A “zamel.”

    Like everyone else, they urged me into a terrible, definitive silence, there to die a little more each day.

    How is a child who loves his parents, his many siblings, his working-class culture, his religion — Islam — how is he to survive this trauma? To be hurt and harassed because of something others saw in me — something in the way I moved my hands, my inflections. A way of walking, my carriage. An easy intimacy with women, my mother and my many sisters. To be categorized for victimhood like those “emo” boys with long hair and skinny jeans who have recently been turning up dead in the streets of Iraq, their skulls crushed in.

    The truth is, I don’t know how I survived. All I have left is a taste for silence. And the dream, never to be realized, that someone would save me. Now I am 38 years old, and I can state without fanfare: no one saved me.

     
  14. I don’t mind if you forget me
    Having learned my lesson
    I never left an impression on anyone

     
  15. And now, as he stood beside a bleak sea feeling trapped and already defeated, he knew himself to be alone in a malevolent universe, bereft of friends and purpose, a useless, sickly anachronism, a fool brought low by his own insufficiencies of character, by his profound inability to believe wholly in the rightness or the wrongness of anything at all.
    — Michael Moorcock, “The Sailor on the Seas of Fate”